
NightWatch
For the Night of 25 September 2009
The US,
The first order inference is that
If Dennis Blair’s statement was not part of the story to cover the President’s surprise announcement today, then those analysts must submit their resignations because they clearly are incompetent, based on the pubic record. They failed twice on the one issue about which failure cannot be an option – the existence of an Iranian nuclear weapons program.
The 2007 Estimate is a monument to misguided analysis
because the secret program near the religious center of
Iranian leaders are mendacious and deceptive.
Even Russian President Medvedev supported the Western statement
that the secret site must be inspected and investigated immediately by the
International Atomic Energy Agency. The Western stratagem knocked
The only outlier is
The Persians are insufferably smug about their ability to
deceive the descendants of younger civilizations. This time the tables turned
against them. The
Long essay alert!
In the aftermath of the McChrystal assessment, the White House must determine whether there exist alternatives to adopting a new strategy that remains unproven and reinforcing it with more than 40,000 more soldiers.
NightWatch judges there are alternatives to adding large numbers of troops. The best and easiest one is to stay the present course and never let the Quetta Shura think it can ever win, ever. That is the most certain path to political power sharing negotiations and a reduction of violence in the near term, by the onset of winter weather.
In brief, the Taliban must accept that they cannot ever
govern
The
These findings are based on more than 30 years of experience
studying
None of the analyses in the public domain treats the
phenomenology of instability. This essay
shows that
In short, if the
The chart below depicts the phenomenology of instability. Power is a zero sum game in which losses to the regime flow to the anti-government forces, in this case, the Pashtuns who oppose the government.
The shift in power leads to violent confrontation as the forces converge and then power sharing, if no side has the power to vanquish the other, which is the usual case.
Power sharing is generally peaceful, may last a long time, but always and eventually features one group attempting a breakout that tests whether it has the political clout and the military power to seize national authority from its power sharing partner. Power sharing is not amicable.
If a group attempts a breakout and fails, the earlier power sharing arrangement restores. If it attempts a breakout and is destroyed, it cedes power to the victor. The gamble and the risks tend to prolong power sharing arrangements.
As the power of the regime declines and flows to and strengthens
the rebels, the two converge towards power sharing. Violence is greatest as the
two converge, which is the current condition of
The violence during the national elections and their aftermath camouflage the underlying reality that the government could not create wholly credible elections and the Taliban could not prevent the elections. The result is a political draw and disappointment to both sides.
Nevertheless, small changes by the Quetta Shura and the
Karzai government could result in the Pashtuns sharing national power in

In 200 of the 399 districts of
The Taliban claim to be the power that ends lawlessness must be challenged everywhere, constantly.
Power sharing is not yet taking place at the province level of government and not at the national level. The Taliban have no capability to deliver the benefits of global contacts to the locals, but they can maintain law and order.
The Taliban have not shown they are capable of holding power over an entire province. In the aftermath of the elections, some groups might be tempted to test whether they can hold a province against the best that the Coalition can send against them, before the Coalition reinforces. This bears a careful warning watch.
What does power
sharing mean? The
The Pashtuns must accept they cannot win and agree to work with the government. Every day, the message of their inability to win must be reinforced.
One brilliant Reader suggested the Coalition should legitimate
Taliban or the Pashtuns as a political party.
Then it should invite that party to elect or select its delegates to a
What makes this feasible? The Taliban have surged their forces in major offensives three years in a row and suffered horrendous losses in the numbers of fighters. They have proven they can dominate politically all regions where Pashtuns reside, but cannot resist Coalition military power whenever it is applied. The only path open to the Taliban that bypasses the current military stalemate is political. Omar is no fool and knows this, but does not recognize that the time is now. He needs some help.
During the elections in 2009, the anti-government forces managed a miracle of military coordination in mountainous terrain to execute 700 or more attacks on a single day. That surge made no difference in the situation, extraordinary as it was. Heck, Coalition forces can not execute 700 attacks in a day!
The Taliban cannot win. They are at their culmination point, in US Army argot. They cannot expand much father because there are no more enclaves of Pashtuns that are not on their side. Their brand of Islamic observance has no following among the Hazaras, Tajiks or Uzbeks.
The problem is that Taliban Internet postings continue to interpret
the
As for the Coalition, it has proven that it can push back, if not defeat, the most that the Taliban and its allies can pit against them. On the other hand, even with significant reinforcements, the numbers of Coalition combat forces are too few to shrink permanently the numbers of districts dominated by the Pashtuns, except for brief non-sustainable periods.
Dear Readers, the phenomenology shows this is a standoff that is tailor-made for negotiations and power sharing. The requirement is to commit enough resources so that the Taliban and the Pashtun tribal leaders understand they can never win. The current fighting indicates the Taliban leaders have not yet had this epiphany, but they will “get it” before winter.
The security situation is not as bad as McChrystal’s report suggests, mainly because it is heading for power sharing, in the NightWatch analysis.
Note on Islamic
burial fraud. Acting on impeccable
intelligence, such as that provided by the local governor, the
In
In
The
Exhumation of a few
dogs and sheep would expose the frauds and liars and get the
At the risk of repetition, no Afghan ever was afraid of a good counter insurgency force on the ground. Everyone is afraid of the air force.
End of NightWatch
for 25 September.