NightWatch

For the Night of 25 May 2009

 

South Korea:   The Ministry of National Defense has put the armed forces on a heightened alert after North Korea’s nuclear test early on 25 May, Yonhap reported. A planned three-day meeting of general officers has been canceled, and the Joint Chiefs of Staff has ordered officers to return to their posts until at least the week of 31 May. A "crisis management" team of senior commanders has been formed, and will formulate a response to the nuclear test, according to a Defense Ministry spokesman.

 

South Korean, Japanese and US diplomats will hold talks this week about how to respond to the latest North Korean provocation.

 

North Korea:  The official test announcement, at about 1130 EDT, 24 May.

”The Democratic People's Republic of Korea successfully conducted one more underground nuclear test on May 25 as part of the measures to bolster up its nuclear deterrent for self-defence in every way as requested by its scientists and technicians.”

”The current nuclear test was safely conducted on a new higher level in terms of its explosive power and technology of its control and the results of the test helped satisfactorily settle the scientific and technological problems arising in further increasing the power of nuclear weapons and steadily developing nuclear technology.”

”The successful nuclear test is greatly inspiring the army and people of the DPRK all out in the 150-day campaign, intensifying the drive for effecting a new revolutionary surge to open the gate to a thriving nation.”

”The test will contribute to defending the sovereignty of the country and the nation and socialism and ensuring peace and security on the Korean Peninsula and the region around it with the might of songun ( translated as the military-first policy).”

 

Comment:   The announcement revealed four points not mentioned in international commentary.  First, the scientists and technicians needed another test. Their requirements are seldom mentioned in public, but NightWatch has insisted that science drives the testing programs; politics drives their timing. In other words, the scientific establishment has practical scientific reasons for testing independent of political calculations.

 

Their requirements are subject to the needs of the political system they serve, which is intrinsic to communist systems since the time of Lenin, and, in recent times, of almost all political systems.  The significance of this is that the scientific results of the 2006 test mandated a follow-up at some time. The needs of the political leadership dictated when. The scientists had to be ready to test when the political leaders called.

 

The trigger was the international blowback against North Korea in reaction to the April missile test with a satellite payload.

 

The second point is the tacit admission the 2006 test was less than satisfactory.  The references to a new, higher level of explosive power that helped satisfy the scientists convey this admission.

 

The third point is the open admission the testing is related to nuclear weapons. This is not new but prior to 2006 the North never admitted it had a nuclear weapons program. The admissions have become more open and more explicit in proportion to the skepticism of the nuclear powers and the international criticism of the north. It is inversely proportionate to the lack of aid and other valuable gain produced by the test.

 

The North expects to be rewarded for becoming a nuclear-armed state. That is its strategic assessment of the final outcome of India and Pakistan achieving nuclear weapons status.

 

Finally, the statement termed the test as reinforcing the 150-day campaign to make the North prosperous. This has two implications. The 150-day campaign is not related to the test, and is about economic progress. The linkage of the nuclear test to the 150-day campaign exposes the leadership’s enduring expectation of economic benefits from going nuclear. Apparently Kim and his men and women think if they do it big enough, they will get rewarded.

 


The Test

Location: ­British Geological Survey's stations in Devon, Herefordshire and Aberdeen reported the “epicentre of the explosion was in the county of Kilju, deep in the mountains of north-eastern North Korea and the location of the P'unggye-yok nuclear test site” which was used in the October 2006 experiment. Unidentified analysts were reported to have estimated “today's test to have been carried out in a similar way to the previous one, when a horizontal hole was drilled into the side of Mount Mantab.”  T

 

The fissile material.  According to the Guardian account, the North Korean scientists most likely used plutonium in a fission explosion.  Plutonium is the fissile material produced at Yongbyon, which North Korea has more than 20 years of experience in producing. The material would have come from the stockpile which more than trebled after the US terminated the Agreed Framework that successfully froze the Yongbyon complex from 1994 to 2002.

 

Test size. Russian sources said the test was between 10 and 20 kilotons, which puts it close to the size of the Hiroshima and Nagasaki bombs.  The Comprehensive Nuclear Test-Ban Organization (CTBO) significantly down-sized the Russian report. 

 

CTBO reported North Korea's nuclear test was ‘slightly bigger’ than the one that occurred in 2006, according to a Reuters summary today. The CTBTO said that the nuclear test registered 4.52 on the Richter scale, while the test in 2006 measured 4.1. The tremor occurred just beneath the ground in close proximity to the location of the 2006 test and has an estimated blast force in the "low single digit" kiloton range.

 

The leadership might not have wanted to use much plutonium for this kind of demonstration; deliberately chose to perform a low yield test, as part of a miniaturization program, for example; or the scientists might not yet have mastered nuclear explosion technology.  The CTBTO’s comparative measurements do not build confidence in the North’s mastery of nuclear weapons technology, which would seem to have been a primary political as well as military objective. Thus, even this test does not appear to be an awe-inspiring clear-cut demonstration of nuclear prowess.

 

Was the event a surprise to the US?  No. The initiator of action always has control of the timing of his actions, but the need for an action and the probability of its occurrence in a foreseeable time period are easily predicted and bracketed.  Just about anyone interested expected this after the North perorated about the need to build its nuclear deterrent and publicly signaled its intent to do so as part of its response to the UN Security Council’s President’s statement on the missile test in April.  

 

Failure to follow-up a threat with supporting and convincing action makes a leadership the object of ridicule.  The North regularly falls into this trap because its science is not yet world class in missiles or nuclear explosions, not even South Asian, and no one apparently wants to risk telling Kim Chong-il the truth.

 

Comment:   The North’s weapons developers always have tried to use short cuts in reverse engineering or in modifying the design of advanced weapons systems.  They perform fewer tests and fewer launches than the Russians or the US in developing new systems. Today’s test shows that short cuts don’t work for some systems.

 

If CTBTO’s data is closer to accurate than the Russian announcement, nobody needs to care much more about today’s test than about the 2006 test, for now.   Based on CTBTO’s assessment, the North’s technical skill after three years of work is still less than impressive. CTBTO’s data suggest the North’s scientists might have achieved a one kiloton detonation – big, but not remotely close to determinative in a conflict.

 

Applying General Rupert Smith’s analytical method to today’s test (See Smith’s, The Utility of Force), the North Koreans have intensified the long standing confrontation by raising the stakes of a conflict.  This means the North has made conventional war impossible and ensured that it loses in any escalation to nuclear conflict.

 

The test means the North has acknowledged it cannot survive without nuclear weapons to deter an attack and probably will not survive with them. However it can cause damage to South Korea so as to deter an attack, so the theory goes. In practice, a nuclear North Korea is a target for nuclear weapons and that enormously clarifies US nuclear planning.

 

To illustrate by analogy, arguably the most salient impacts of nuclear testing in South Asia in 1998 were on strategic and operational planners.  On both sides, planners had to assume that no future general war would remain conventional.  At the same time, they also had to investigate ways to use limited military conflicts/engagements in support of political policy goals with minimal risk of nuclear escalation.

 

One solution to this dilemma is India’s adoption of a “cold start” conventional warfare doctrine. In this doctrine, specially trained Indian Army units achieve territorial gains so swiftly as to create conditions for negotiations before Pakistan can prepare its forces for conflict. The feasibility of this doctrine was established in the 2001/2002 crisis, in which India achieved full combat readiness for 750,000 soldiers in 21 days, whereas Pakistan never achieved full combat readiness for any forces in the same time period.

 

Another is the Indian General Staff’s acceptance of limited warfare without decisive battlefield results. Pakistan seems to have evolved no military doctrine other than that inherent in total war and total destruction. To deter India, Pakistan must resort to nuclear missile strikes and risk total annihilation as a state from Indian counter attacks. The military cost-benefit-risk equation is simpler now than ever.

 

Applying those concepts to Korea, today’s test, not the 2006 test, puts the Korean peninsula confrontation in the same condition as the India-Pakistan confrontation.  South Korean, Japanese and US planners must now accept that no future conflict, however small, will remain small.  There is no conventional general war scenario any longer and no scenario in which North Korea survives, should confrontation move to conflict.  If a fight begins, both sides must plan for nuclear escalation. The confrontation on the Korean peninsula is clearer now than it ever has been.

 

However, there are threats in which limited applications of military force are useful to keep the peace and enforce international commitments, by preventing encroachment, for example. The dispute over sovereignty off the South Korean northwest coast and the offshore islands is such a circumstance. North and South Korean planners must analyze and evaluate the escalation paths to nuclear war from naval shooting incidents, among other scenarios.

 

Assuming the North actually detonated fissile material for a weapon of mass destruction, the risks and pathways to nuclear escalation must now be examined every time, all the time, by South Korea, China, Japan and Russia, as well as US forces in South Korea.  This is costly and annoying.

 

Arguably the largest danger is the condition of intelligence. North Korean intelligence about Allied intentions is fundamentally inaccurate and biased by the regime’s need to present itself to its own people as under constant, existential threat without justification. The big lie is essential to maintaining internal control, discipline and support to the absurd military-first policy.

 

The Allied corollary to the North’s myopia is the poverty of diagnostic and predictive intelligence about North Korean decision-making, resulting from the state’s obsession with security.

 

The danger is misperception. Both sides do misread each other daily in low stress circumstances. This shortcoming worsens in conditions of stress and crisis. Only visceral instincts in favor of caution/survival in the face of risking national annihilation have prevented North Korea from starting a war of reunification.  Visceral instincts that favor caution plus action driven by evidence -- as opposed to guess and gut instincts -- become more important and pivotal in conditions in which conventional conflict = nuclear war.

 

The challenge for the Allies is to modify threat management practices to accommodate a nuclear armed North Korea.  Allied costs plus the nature of deterrence, confidence building and damage limitation measures are a lot different when the threat is nuclear war, instead of old fashioned, conventional war.

 

Missile launches. To add to the stress of the moment, the North launched missiles yesterday reportedly to deter Allied reconnaissance of the test site – another indicator that regional governments expected a test, though the precise moment was not knowable. Yonhap reported short range ballistic missile tests also are likely on 26 May. These actions are provocations to change a confrontation into a conflict. 

 

In the simplest interpretation, the North is throwing a tantrum to be noticed despite the regional ripple effects. Off hand, that appears to be the behavior of a desperate leadership that has run out of options for saving its people through its own imagination and creativity. It is looking for outsiders to save it … the mouse squeaked today and wants to be rewarded.

 

China-North Korea: Chinese media broadcast the official reaction to the North Korean test, as follows,

“According to a Korean Central News Agency report, the DPRK has announced that it conducted a second nuclear test on 25 May. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China has issued a statement regarding this. The full text follows:

On 25 May 2009, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) conducted a nuclear test again, in disregard of widespread opposition from the international community. The Chinese government expresses resolute opposition to this.

To realize non-nuclearization on the peninsula, oppose nuclear proliferation, and maintain peace and stability in Northeast Asia has been the Chinese government's unswerving, consistent position. China strongly demands that the DPRK abide by the non-nuclearization commitments, stop related actions that may lead to further deterioration of the situation, and return again to the track of the Six-Party Talks.

Maintaining peace and stability in the Northeast Asia region is in the common interests of all parties concerned. The Chinese government calls on all parties concerned to respond calmly and properly and insist on peacefully resolving the issue through consultation and dialogue. China will continue to make unremitting efforts for this.”

 

Comment:  The North Koreans do not care – or perhaps are pleased -- that their test today insulted China. The Chinese are embarrassed and troubled. The limits of their influence are now clear and plain to be seen.  Moreover, they now must consider the implications of having a new nuclear armed state on their border that is not Russia. The North Korean problem also detracts from China’s strategic rise because the North Koreans are prickly and prone to embarrass or attack their allies as well as their enemies. See below.

 

North Korea-China:  North Korea reportedly notified China of its plans for a nuclear test on 25 May, but did not include the timing or details on the test, Yonhap reported, citing unnamed officials. Chinese state-run media said the government disapproves of North Korea "disregarding international society by once again carrying out nuclear tests."  Chinese Foreign Minister Yang Jiechi said in a meeting with South Korean Foreign Minister Yu Myung-hwan in Hanoi that the international community should deal with the test in a calm manner.

 

Mongolia:  For the record.  Two-time former Prime Minister Elbegdorj Tsahia has defeated President Natsagiin Bagabandi of the ruling People's Revolutionary party and won the Mongolian presidency, The Associated Press reported 25 May. The People's Ruling party has already conceded the election, and said it considered the election legitimate.

 

India-Austria:   Riots erupted in major cities of India’s Punjab Province on 25 May in response to the killing of the leader of a Sikh sect after an attack on a temple in Vienna, Austria, on Sunday. At least one person was killed and Indian authorities placed four towns under a curfew after a day of violent protests following the attack in Austria on the sect leaders, who were visiting the large Sikh community in Europe.

 

Though the bloodshed occurred a continent away, news of the attack, by text messages and mobile phone calls sent from the vast community of Sikh émigrés in Europe, came to Punjab almost instantly. The rioting quickly followed.

 

While in Vienna, six young Sikh men armed with guns and knives stormed into a hall where hundreds of worshipers had gathered and shot at the sect leaders, said S. R. Heer, a senior official at the sect’s hospital and school in Jullundur, a large provincial town in Punjab.  One of the leaders, Guru Sant Rama Nand, died of his injuries, while the other, Sant Niranjan Dass, was in stable condition following surgery, Mr. Heer said.

 

The two men were the leaders of the Ravidass sect. These are Sikhs who revere a saint of the same name believed to have been born in the 15th century to a family of leather workers, considered “untouchables” or outcastes, and known today as Dalits.  Many Dalit Sikhs, devotees of the Ravi Dass sect, started migrating to Europe in the 1960s, helped set up Ravi Dass temples, known as gurdwaras, and played host to preachers from Punjab, for whom Europe and North America became important fund-raising bases.

 

The European requirement for cheap labor for menial tasks breeds this kind of development as well as its ripple effects in India.

 

Iran:  President Mahmoud Ahmadi-Nejad said today that if he is re-elected next month he wants to have a face-to-face meeting with the US President.  He said he wanted to debate global issues with President Obama at the new UN session in September.  He added, however, that Iran would not discuss its nuclear program outside the framework of the UN nuclear agency's regulations.

 

Lebanon:  Reminder. General elections are set for 7 June. Interested readers should pay attention to the vote count for Hezbollah candidates.

 

Russia-Lebanon: Today, Russian Foreign Minister Lavrov said the international community must recognize the result of Lebanon's general election irrespective of who wins a majority. Lavrov’s message tends to contradict that by the US Vice President who warned against voting for the “spoilers of peace.”  

 

Lavrov said, "It is important that the results of these elections are recognized not only by Lebanese society but also everyone who is interested in the continued and natural development of Lebanon as a state, hence, the international community. …We will deal with all those chosen by the Lebanese people. We respect this choice and this vote," he added.

 

No international news services are reporting on the emergence of Russia as an influence in strategic Middle Eastern events. From Iran to Lebanon, Russia is making progress in building influence by backing a variation of self-determination. Some analysts label this practice “judo diplomacy.’  The impulse for democracy is being used against itself to vote into power authoritarian leaders based on demographics.  Lebanon could become an Islamist dominated state in two weeks.

 

The Russians go with the result and defend it, provided the result frustrates US policy objectives.

 

End of NightWatch for 25 May.